jonathanmayer
Joined 14 years ago
Joined 14 years ago
From a very quick skim of the repositories, this appears to be quite limited transparency. The documentation gives a decent high-level overview of how Tweet recommendation works—no surprises—and the code tracks that roadmap. Those are meaningful positive steps. But the underlying policies and models are almost entirely missing (there are a couple valuable components in [1]). Without those, we can't evaluate the behavior and possible effects of "the algorithm."
Several comments suggest systematically comparing FCC data to what ISP websites say about availability. My research group did this! Here's the paper:
https://dl.acm.org/doi/10.1145/3419394.3423652
And here's a followup project by investigative journalists at The Markup:
https://themarkup.org/still-loading/2022/10/19/dollars-to-me...
* This could be a Federal Trade Commission problem. T-Mobile, like all major ISPs, has made public representations about upholding net neutrality principles [1]. These voluntary commitments were part of the Trump-era FCC's rationale for repealing net neutrality rules. Breaching the commitments could constitute a deceptive business practice under Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act.
* This could also be a Federal Communications Commission problem. When repealing the Obama-era net neutrality rules, the Trump-era FCC left in place a set of transparency requirements [2]. Making an inaccurate statement about network management practices can be actionable under that remaining component of the FCC's net neutrality rules.
I haven't seen a comment from T-Mobile, so to be clear, that's just based on the report.
[1] https://www.t-mobile.com/responsibility/consumer-info/polici...
[2] https://www.ecfr.gov/current/title-47/chapter-I/subchapter-A...
* T-Mobile, like the other carriers, is offering a numerator and not a denominator. These call filtering services are plainly valuable, but it's difficult to evaluate how effective they are based on current public evidence.
* It isn't a coincidence that the top robocall destinations include locations that are popular for retirement. These scams disproportionately target and take advantage of older customers.
* Call authentication (STIR/SHAKEN) is helping, and will continue to become more effective. The FCC did not push carriers to rapidly adopt call authentication during the last administration; Congress eventually stepped in with the TRACED Act, and the FCC has since made STIR/SHAKEN a top priority.
In 2017, the FCC determined that T-Mobile had violated federal law in a data breach involving customer credit information [1]. There was reportedly no fine because Congress has imposed a strict one-year statute of limitations on FCC enforcement actions.
In 2020, the FCC charged T-Mobile with again violating federal law in failing to protect customer location information [2]. The FCC proposed a $91.6M fine, widely criticized as insufficient at the time [3-4]. I don't believe the FCC has finalized or collected that penalty.
There have been several other incidents, including in 2018 [5], 2019 [6], early 2020 [7], and late 2020 [8].
I hope there has not been a new data breach. But if there has been, this is the latest in a pattern, and the incentives have to change.
[1] https://www.nexttv.com/news/fcc-admonishes-t-mobile-breach-1...
[2] https://www.fcc.gov/document/fcc-proposes-916m-fine-against-...
[3] https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-20-27A4.pdf
[4] https://docs.fcc.gov/public/attachments/FCC-20-27A5.pdf
[5] https://www.theverge.com/2018/8/24/17776836/tmobile-hack-dat...
[6] https://www.bleepingcomputer.com/news/security/t-mobile-disc...
[7] https://www.bleepingcomputer.com/news/security/t-mobile-data...
[8] https://www.bleepingcomputer.com/news/security/t-mobile-data...
The proposed attack on Apple's protocol doesn't work. The user's device adds randomness when generating an outer encryption key for the voucher. Even if an adversary obtains both the hash set and the blinding key, they're just in the same position as Apple—only able to decrypt if there's a hash match. The paper could do a better job explaining how the ECC blinding scheme works.
Yes. Central differential privacy is a very promising direction for datasets that result from studies on Rally.
> It's a little worrying to think that this disclosure process might be done with no formal privacy protection. See the Netflix competition, AOL search dataset, Public Transportation in Victoria, etc. case studies of how non-formal attempts at anonymization can fail users.
I've done a little re-identification research, and my faculty neighbor at Princeton CITP wrote the seminal Netflix paper, so we take this quite seriously.
Definitely. Academia doesn't have a monopoly on excellent technology and society research. The Markup's data-driven investigative journalism, for example, is outstanding.
The Rally participant population is not representative of the U.S. population—these are users who run Firefox (other browsers coming soon), choose to join Rally, and choose to join a study. In research jargon, there's significant sampling bias.
For some studies, that's OK, because the research doesn't depend on a representative sample. For other studies, researchers can approximate U.S. population demographics. When a user joins Rally, they can optionally provide demographic information. Researchers can then use the demographics with reweighting, matching, subsampling, and similar methods to approximate a representative population. Those methods already appear throughout social science; whether they're sufficient also depends on the study.
> 2. To compensate for the voluntary nature of the studies, do you think researchers in general will still be incentivized to find data sources that are less respectful of people's privacy and don't require an opt-in to the study?
Rally is designed to provide a new research capability that didn't exist before. I don't expect a substitution effect like that.
There's much more than that, including: privacy and security review before a study launches, a data minimization requirement, a sandboxed data analysis environment with strict access controls, and IRB oversight for academic studies.
> IMO this seems to provide worse privacy than even Google and Micro$oft's telemetry, which at least use differential privacy to make sure that each individual's privacy is somewhat protected (the data you send is randomised so even if the aggregator is compromised by a malicious third party (e.g. NSA) individuals have some degree of plausible deniability).
The vast majority of Google and Microsoft telemetry does not involve local differential privacy. Google, in fact, has almost entirely removed local differential privacy (RAPPOR) from Chrome telemetry [1].
We've been examining the feasibility of local differential privacy for Rally. The challenge for us—and why local differential privacy has limited deployment—is that the level of noise makes answering most (often all) research questions impossible.
[1] https://bugs.chromium.org/p/chromium/issues/detail?id=101690...
Rally studies, by contrast, reflect real-world user activity and experiences. In science jargon, Rally enables field studies and intervention experiments with excellent ecological validity.
The power imbalance goes far beyond science. Independent research is foundational for platform accountability. An example: when I was working on the Senate staff, before I started teaching at Princeton, a recurring challenge was the lack of rigorous independent research on platform problems. We were mostly compelled to rely on anecdotes, which made oversight and building a factual record for legislation difficult.
Previously: U.S. Senate, FCC, Stanford
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